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The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
What happened to her hair?
chamblee54 |
Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
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Republicans at war
David Brooks has a really good column about Newt this morning. I'm struck by the caustic tone of his comments; you'd think David was blogging!
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
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Here's a link to that Brooks column: — The Gingrich Tragedy Gingrich is what the 30-some million members of the GOP base want. The question now is whether the base can get its way, or if the relatively sane but less activist/engaged element of the party (which we presume would vote for Romney) can prevail over the base. Here's the latest polling: http://img267.imageshack.us/img267/2716/rcp12911.png |
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A point in Gingrich's favor. There aren't that many people left who haven't already had their moment. At this point, who's left are Huntsman, Santorum, and Paul. |
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Maybe the easiest shorthand for the GOP base is: the Tea Party. |
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Incidentally, Brooks notes Gingrich's big government conservatism; this kind of thing has never really been a problem for GOP voters, though lately a segment of the tea party has objected to it. But the embrace of big government conservatism is exactly what one would expect of the former representative of Cobb Country, GA (which Gingrich is). That county was (still is?) one of the biggest recipients of federal largess in the form of defense contracts. It's a glowing example of the prosperity a community can enjoy as a result of massive government subsidy to private industry. Don't tell the people in Cobb County that the government can't create jobs! Or massive homes with swimming pools, or really good schools, or a wonderful upper-middle class life. So, is Gingrich's embrace of big government conservatism and his history as the Representative from Cobb Country going to him more appealing or less appealing to the wealthy contributors to political campaigns? The answer is obvious: More! So: It's probably going to be the base and the monied interests against a few concerned strategists and a more libertarian element that wants real small government, not the kind of "small government" that just means slashing the welfare state while preserving or increasing welfare for the rich and corporations. |
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On the other hand, if you think the extremists are in the majority, it's really not correct to use the word "extremist". To be clear where I'm coming from, I strongly believe that voters, when measured across any single dimension or axis, fall into a normal distribution. That is, there is no "clumping" of extreme opinion. I've engaged in vigorous debate about this in years past in the BHTV comment section. |
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Newt really is national greatness "conservative" extraordinaire. That, plus the "Revolution" rhetoric from the '90s has always made it hard for me to square him with real conservative ideology. If nothing else, it makes me skeptical about how much the right (segments of which are currently enthusiastic about him) is really about classical conservatism in any meaningful amount. |
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On the whole, I think the intent is to refer to the heart of the party, those who are likely to do the work of the campaign, who can be counted on generally to vote for the party, not to swing. Also, who generally form the backbone of the ideological views of the party. And that last is where it gets tricky. For example, in the Dems, I think the base, classically, has been some combination of union types and generally the white working class. In the '60s, the Dems added African Americans, lost some of the WWC, and perhaps added some degree of ideological liberals on cultural issues, but on the whole I'm not convinced the latter group is really a base in the same sense. The original version of the group (the left) were never particularly fond of the Dems, and mostly were angry with the Dem base (see conventions of '68 and '72). Later, the issues that became part of the mainstream Dem ideology were too often tied to economic conservatism, as cultural issues to some degree follow a class divide. That there's no clearcut Dem base seems to be one of the problems the Dems have. The Tea Party does seem to me to be the Republican base, the group who will always be on the right, not swing, who the Republicans need to excite to make sure their day-to-day campaign work gets done. But I don't think that implies they are the majority of Republican voters. In a successful campaign the party that wins will probably get a majority of swing voters, after all. The swing voters are never what's meant by the base, however. |
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If there was a dictionary that would define what "the right" was, I would consult it. Lacking that, I'll have to ask you directly: What is the difference between "right" and "conservative"? |
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Anybody but Obama is my current political philosophy. Throw him and all his smarmy elitist bum friends out! |
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Seriously, I mean hardcore Republicans, the "right" as defined by the US political spectrum, including the people who would threaten not to vote Republican because they weren't "conservative" enough or were RINOs. "Conservative" is take on political philosophy, a take that's found within both major parties in the US, but is more prominent on the right. The essence of conservatism is a skepticism about radical change, a strong concern about unintended consequences, a view about how we know things culturally and how change should occur -- basically trust in the wisdom of the population over time, in things like the common law and custom and culture vs. ideology. That's why it's largely opposed to true libertarianism, which is quite clearly an 'ology, the kind of faith in a program vs custom and tradition that would be antithetical to Burke and the usual understanding of classical conservatism. There's muddling in the US in particular, because our traditions come out of liberal values, but I think it's still possible to separate the strains somewhat. Talk of "revolution" is not conservatism. With respect to national greatness "conservatism," I'm focusing more on the skepticism about what the government can do, and there it does get more muddled, as it's quite possible to see Hamilton as a descendant of conservatism within the US tradition. That said, the way in which Gingrich talks about these things (as Brooks notes) does seem to me to basically jettison all traditional conservative skepticism. The ends might be consistent with what the "right" would like, but it's not conservative. (I'd say precisely the same about neoconservatism, the idea that we can impose our values on other countries through anything other than gradual encouragement). |
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Why not apply this definition to Democrats to define the Democratic base? |
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I thought it was quite good. |
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While the GOP does not yet go that far, it does hold other views that I think are clearly extreme in absolute terms. There's one other wrinkle, too: There's a major disconnect in US politics between the views of all Republican voters (base + non-base) and the people who actually run the party. The elected Republicans and the GOP intelligentsia (media, strategists, financial backers) are way, way to the right of the actual GOP rank and file, as polls have shown over and over. In my opinion, it's really these leaders who are extreme, along with the base who follow them blindly and without reflection. Quote:
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Apropos of the meaning of "base." Remember that the Arabic word for base is Al-Qaida. |
Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
Kristen, your fashion sense is as always sublime. Check out how well you match to Pantone's Color of the Year for 2012, announced today.
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I suppose it has always been this way and is certainly on both sides of the aisle but I see that it has reached a tipping point. That is the impulse behind the TeaParty and perhaps even OWS. Although OWS doesn't seem to blame Washington and looks to Washington to 'fix things', I think they dimly see that things are way out of whack. Whether any of this will or can be changed is highly doubtful. We've been going down this road for perhaps too long. And I suppose if the economy improves all of the unrest will be forgotten until the next time. |
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I hear the complaint about rightward drift, and I do see it in some respects, but I see left drift in other ways. I'm not aware of any broad quantitative measure that proves the nation as a whole is drifting right over the last 20 years. Someone tell me if I have missed it. You can find narrow things that show drift one way or the other. For example, the percent of the population that is college-educated continues to rise, and the percent of college students who are female continues to rise (beyond 50%!). Most lefties would assume that these things would correlate to a left shift. (Not BadHat, of course). Then there's the very dramatic increase of the acceptance of homosexuality in the US. And the very dramatic rise in government health-care expenditures would seem to me to argue for left-shift. |
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
I wonder how much data is behind the assertion that temporary tax cuts don't change incentives and therefore are unhelpful. I keep on hearing this line of argument and always find it a bit odd. Based on my high-school economics understanding, the idea behind this sort of temporary fiscal policy was to try and reaccelerate the economy during a downturn in the business cycle, which if the market accepts should work its way into actual reality. If the market rejects this overall concept as much as republican pundits seem to, however, then this fiscal policy is probably much less useful. Like most things, I guess it depends on how much a downturn is attributed to long-term structural economics versus the economic cycle. Would someone like to correct and/or corroborate my understanding, which is admittedly shaky?
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It's worth noting that this is an expected result of the realignment and the fact that the liberal/conservative division on many social issues tends to be a class split. Basically, when the white working class got pissed at Dems due to increased liberalism, the culture wars of the day, and racially charged arguments and moved over to the Republicans, it was extremely predictable that the Dems would become more economically conservative as well as socially liberal. When the RINOs found the Republicans less satisfactory due to the increased social conservatism and issues injected by the new members or the appeal thereto or, in the alternative, the Dems more acceptable due to their increased economic conservatism and moved over there, we ended up with two parties basically bankrolled by the same classes, which tend to be economically conservative and socially liberal. Despite the varying rhetoric, it's not surprising what has won out -- the Republicans use anti-liberal and conservative culture war rhetoric (and hawkishness) to sell the white working class on pro business policies without really caring much to counter the general effect of market-based policies on social values. The Dems use social issues and the opposition to the culture war stuff to satisfy the more leftwing members with policies that its largest individual donors consider economically pragmatic, and uses those donors to fill the gaps cause by the decline of unions. Ultimately, a realignment driven by the anger of the more socially conservative white working class has probably led to results that they dislike on two fronts and given them no voice. But this assumes they aren't really economically conservative, and perhaps they are, even though they didn't used to be and surveys seem to show otherwise. Quote:
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
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I think it's cool how they've tied it to the approval of the Keystone Pipeline project. Harry Reid is scandalized...never heard of such a thing! |
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;-) |
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Re: The Week in Blog: Weird in Washington (Bill Scher & Kristen Soltis)
Kristen, what exactly should we conservatives take seriously about Obama's speech? He offered no vision out of our economic condition.
Maybe you should listen to ANY talker on the right who analyzed this speech. Glenn calls Obama a “liar” who doesn’t understand “rugged individualism” President Obama's Osawatomie Speech was a Marxist Attack on America Obama’s campaign for class resentment Obama Blames the Rich He does not understand the sources of economic mobility. The Obama Watch Organizing the Takers Against the Makers |
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